The basic background of the geographical extent, chronological range, and homogeneity (or heterogeneity) of Xindian materials and associated practices in previous research lacks discussion of community forms or subsistence practices, except for the aforementioned assumptions concerning a transition toward pastoralism. It has been assumed that the groups creating and using Xindian-style ceramics relied on cereal agriculture, though caprine husbandry is also believed to have gained increased importance over time (e.g., An et al., 2005; Liu & Feng, 2012; Shui, 1989; Wu & Liu, 2004; Xie, 2002, p. 179; Xu, 1988; Yang et al., 2019a, 2019b). The basis for the reliance on cereal agriculture and caprines is the combination of a considerable number of agricultural tools at Lianhuatai, Jijiachuan, Zhuangjiazui and similar sites, along with limited zooarchaeological evidence of domesticated sheep and goat. At Zhangjiazui the excavators note a large number of bone and stone tools at the site suited for a wide range of agricultural practices (Zhongguo, 1980a, pp. 216–217). Some stone and bone tools have long and thin blades suitable for tilling the earth, and the site contains many mortars and pestles, possibly for processing grains (Zhongguo, 1980a, p. 215). Previous archaeobotanical analyses from sites in the Guangting Basin, Qinghai (preliminarily assigned to the Xindian culture) have shown the presence of broomcorn and foxtail millet, barley, wheat, hemp, and other plants (Zhang, 2012, p. 28). Whereas Qijia sites in the same region contained a larger proportion of foxtail millet, the remains purported to be related to Xindian materials contain more broomcorn millet, and the investigator interprets this as a switch brought on by the onset of drier conditions (Zhang, 2012, p.30).
Check now The combination of a seed density much lower than at Qijia sites, and large amounts of animal bones, especially sheep/goat (Zhang, 2012, p. 31; Zhongguo, 1980a, p. 210), has led some scholars to argue for a decline in intensity of cereal agriculture and a shift toward a mixed subsistence economy (e.g. Hou et al., 2009). The finding of hooks and nets further suggests inhabitants may have supplemented their diet with deer and fish (Zhongguo, 1980a, p. 220). Indeed, Xindian sites so far have yielded sheep/goat, pig, cattle, dog, and sometimes horse bones, as well as deer. Recent isotopic analysis of two herbivore bones from Wenjia showing a C4 signature suggests that domesticated animals, possibly sheep/goat or bovids, may have been fed agricultural crops, given that this signature would reflect millet consumption but does not correspond to the background C3 plants that are common in the region (Ma et al., 2016, p. 26; see also Barton et al., 2009, p. 5524). This would not be a surprising result given the practice of foddering domesticated animals with millet, shown isotopically elsewhere in the North China Neolithic (Barton et al., 2009; Chen et al., 2015; Dai et al., 2016a, 2016b), but the small sample size demands caution. At present, these can only be preliminary suggestions. Changes or continuities in subsistence between the Qijia and Xindian communities should be considered in relationship to broader environmental trends during the second millennium BC. The past decade has seen a rise in deterministic models focusing on climate change. One example, variously termed the ‘ ~ 4.2 k BP event’ (a term borrowed from the Near East), the ‘c. 4000 cal yr BP climatic event’, and the ‘Holocene event 3’ is understood to represent a phase of global environmental stress (at least in the northern hemisphere), which had wide-scale social, political and economic implications as its effects were differentially felt over centuries (e.g. Booth et al., 2005; Dalfes et al., 1997; deMenocal, 2001; Hsu & Perry, 2002; Meller et al., 2015). In the region of concern in this article, some scholars have associated this period of climate stress with cultural change, including employing the event to explain the transition from Qijia (c. 2200–1500 BC/4150–3450 BP) to subsequent cultures. In such discussions, Xindian (c. 1600–600 BC/3550–2550 BP), along with Kayue (c. 1800–1500 BC/3750–3450 BP), Siba (c. 1950–1550 BC/3900–3500 BP) and Siwa (c. 1300–500 BC/3250–2450 BP) are seen as communities practicing pastoral nomadism. This line of argument proposes that in regions of northern China including Inner Mongolia, Qinghai and Gansu, a prolonged period of aridity and cooler temperatures eventually resulted in the collapse of many existing societies, as well as a transition from cereal agriculture to pastoral or agro-pastoral communities (e.g. An et al., 2005; Liu & Feng, 2012; Wu & Liu, 2004). Although called an ‘event,’ the 4.2 k BP variation is in reality a multi-centennial scale transition to cooler and drier conditions that have been noted in several proxies (see e.g.: Dykoski et al., 2005; Hou et al., 2016; Kaufmann et al., 2020; Liang et al., 2020; Marcott et al., 2013; Wang et al., 2005; Zhao et al., 2009). The onset of cooler and drier conditions is at roughly 4200 cal BP and is followed by a continued decline in both temperature and precipitation—though recent work has highlighted subsequent multi-decadal oscillations, as well as regional-specific spatiotemporal variations (e.g. Cai et al., 2017; Railsback et al., 2018; Tan et al., 2018; Zhang et al., 2018a, 2018b). Multi-proxy modelling by d’Alpoim Guedes and Bocinsky (2018) suggests that these reach their lowest point at 3600 BP, after which temperatures increase slightly, but never again reach the high levels of the earlier Holocene climatic optimum. Although on a geological scale this process is rather short, in relation to cultural change, the hundreds of years over which changes occur and would have been perceived by people is quite significant. Recognizing the multi-centennial scale of this transition calls into question some of the arguments for abrupt cultural changes directly tied to this event in some of the literature (e.g. Liu & Feng, 2012; Wu & Liu, 2004). Another aspect of the problem is the confusion in the literature over the timing of the beginning and end of the Qijia culture (see overview in Jaffe & Flad, 2018). Most existing data on the cultural chronology would place the beginning of the Qijia period roughly around the same time as the onset of this climatic event (i.e., around 4200 BP). It is noteworthy that the Qijia phenomenon did not suddenly appear across the entire region where we ultimately find Qijia remains. Instead, earlier Qijia sites are found in the more eastern parts of the overall distribution, while later in the sequence, areas like the Tao river are occupied. The overall chronological range for the Qijia culture, which we list as c. 2200–1500 BC/4150–3450 BP, much less the entire distribution range of the Qijia culture, cannot necessarily be ascribed in its entirety to any one region. When the so-called collapse of the Qijia culture has been most explicitly attributed to the events of ~ 4000 cal. yr BP and the replacement of dry farming with pastoral subsistence practices by the cultures that followed it (Mo et al., 1996; Shui, 2001) scholars seem to be engaging in one of two processes. They are either modifying cultural chronologies to fit assumptions about the effects of environmental change or they are accepting uncritically the chronological scope of an archaeological culture to apply uniformly across the region where associated sites are found (and see Jaffe et al., 2020). In the case of some scholarship that has associated the collapse of Qijia and the onset of Xindian and other cultures with the 4.2 k BP event, we consequently see an adoption of a short chronology for the Qijia culture. For example, for An et al. (2005), the Qijia culture is dated to 4300–3900 cal BP, and they propose that while the associated society flourishes early on, marked by the development of sophisticated technologies and larger site numbers and regional distribution, it collapses quickly after the ~ 4000 cal. yr BP event (note that here the event is referenced as c. 4000 cal yr BP, rather than 4.2 k BP). Liu and Feng (2012), in contrast, place the Qijia dates at 4000–3800 cal. yr BP, yet similarly find that the Qijia culture flourishes during its initial phases but soon declines due to the continued effects of this climatic event. In this narrative, the Qijia are succeeded, after an additional hiatus of 200 years, by a number of different cultures, each occupying its respective zone more sparsely and exhibiting cultural atavism or the reversal of the advances of the preceding culture. Conversely, Liu et al. (2010) extend the duration of the Qijia culture from 4000 to 3600 BP and note the more severe climatic influences (extremely low temperatures), which characterized the period from 3.9–3.6 k BP. In this argument the prolonged effects of the climatic event slowly chipped away at Qijia society until it collapsed around 3600 BP, resulting in a separation of nomadism from farming. The turn to an increased emphasis on pastoral economic practices was followed, they believe, by most subsequent societies, but to varying degrees based on the environmental zone of those cultures that succeeded it: from pastoral nomadism of the Kayue in Qinghai, to a mixed agro-pastoral economy of the Siwa culture in the higher altitudes of Southwest Gansu, and the survival of farming in the Xindian culture occupying the moderately warmer climate of the Yellow River valley. As noted above, the available archaeological evidence for the Qijia and subsequent periods remains scarce, rendering testing the above models problematic. Furthermore, the archaeological data currently available is mostly from graves and can thus provide limited insight into supposed subsistence changes (Jaffe & Hein, 2020). Only a handful of sites have been excavated sufficiently to show catastrophic events—the exception being the site of Lajia in Qinghai Province, where the Qijia period levels were destroyed by a cataclysmic flash flood and/or earthquakes, burying inhabitants alive at c. 3950 cal. BP (Zhang et al., 2018a, 2018b). This catastrophic event may have impacted a number of communities along the Yellow River (Huang et al., 2013; Wu et al., 2016; c.f. Wu et al., 2017), however, it does not necessarily reflect a regional climatic shift that would have had widespread impacts on the economic and social practices of Qijia communities more generally. Moreover, others argue that the lake proposed to be responsible for the dam-burst flood had already disappeared by c. 3600 BC (i.e., c. 5600 cal. BP, more than 1600 years earlier), and that other skeletal remains from the site date to the period between 1875 and 1662 cal BC (i.e., 3825–3612 cal BP; Dong et al., 2018). Accordingly, flooding may have occurred less catastrophically, but perhaps frequently, over a drawn-out period of several hundred years. The dates at Lajia also demonstrate Qijia cultural dates in the western part of the Qijia distribution closer to 1600 cal. BC (3550 cal. BP). Our work at the site of Qijiaping 齐家坪, roughly 250 km southeast of Lajia, has uncovered Qijia-culture occupation that ranges between 1631 and 1431 cal. BC (3581–3381 cal. BP) based on 12 dates from two pits (Brunson et al., 2020; Womack et al., 2021). The data from Qijiaping imply a flourishing of Qijia culture in the Tao river region in a 150-year period, and combined with other Qijia culture contexts in the Tao River valley, such as the site of Mogou (Gansu & Xibei, 2009), these data show an intensity of occupation in the Tao river valley at the time when others have suggested that Qijia is collapsing, possibly because people may have migrated there from other regions. Even recognizing that the climate changes that began at 4200 BP took a long time to impact communities in different areas, in the Tao river valley the impacts may have been very different from elsewhere. Indeed, given the multi-centennial nature of climate change human societies do not demonstrate uniform, clear-cut strategies in response to specific climatic events (Haldon et al., 2018; Izdebski et al., 2016; Jaffe et al., 2019; Meltzer, 2015). In Northeastern China, the onset of the ~ 4000 cal. yr BP event was followed by a distinct flourishing of society during the Lower Xiajidian 夏家店下层 period (c. 2200–1600 BC/4150–3550 BP), when the region was densely populated by large and stable communities practicing subsistence agriculture (Chifeng, 2011; Shelach, 2009). Might a similar florescence have occurred during the later part of the Qijia or even post-Qijia instead of the full scale transition to pastoralism that has been proposed? Careful study combining improved models (d’Alpoim Guedes et al., 2016a, 2016b; Goldsmith et al., 2017) of site-specific (Zhuang & Kidder, 2014), region-specific (Su & Kidder, 2019), and historical data (Haldon et al., 2018; Pederson et al., 2014) are needed for an accurate understanding of human–environment dynamics (McAnany & Yoffee, 2009; Redman, 2005; Tainter, 2006). As a first step, we need to start with a basic understanding of the local chronology and the region-specific sequential cultural and economic manifestations. What we can say with the evidence at hand is that the Qijia culture flourished during its later phases in the western portions of the broader Qijia cultural range, including in the lower Tao River valley, until as late as c. 1431 cal. BP/3381 cal. BP. Following the occupation of Qijia culture sites in this valley, including the culture type-site of Qijiaping (Womack et al., 2017, 2021), the area is occupied by communities creating ceramics of the Xindian cultural tradition. The distribution of Xindian sites displays a relatively clear geographical pattern in the Tao River valley. Xindian sites are found in the northern, lower reaches of the river valley between 1700 and 2100 masl. Further south, sites that post-date the Qijia culture are associated with the Siwa tradition, mostly distributed at elevations of 2000–2700 masl, generally higher than Xindian sites (and see Womack et al., 2021). We must be cautious not to overemphasize the above trend/elevation association, as it is obtained from sites found in unsystematic surveys over the past few decades (and see Jaffe et al., 2020). Yet based on these distributions, we might expect that in addition to having different ceramic styles, the communities associated with Siwa and Xindian materials may have had different economic foci. Likewise, the differences between Qijia and Xindian cultural traditions, which are based primarily on shared practices in ceramic production and, to a lesser extent, mortuary practices, may also reflect chronological changes in settlement organization and subsistence practices. In order to assess this possibility, however, baseline data is required concerning the organization of Xindian settlements and the nature of subsistence practices at these sites. Two known Xindian culture sites have been examined by the TRAP project to help develop this baseline: Xindian and Huizuiwa. The Xindian site is located in Lintao County, Gansu, on the eastern banks of the Tao river. Andersson’s aforementioned work in 1924 initially distinguished between two parts of the Xindian site: A and B, located on opposite sides of a tributary to the Tao river. Area A was identified as a burial site of about 150 × 150 m (according to Andersson’s estimate) on the northern side of the ravine, while area B was identified as a settlement site. Additionally, Areas C, D & E were also mentioned as exhibiting small accumulations of Xindian features. Andersson (1943) observed over 100 graves at Xindian A, many of which had been looted, and he proceeded to excavate 25. Ceramics similar to those he found at Xindian A also came to light in a grave he excavated 100 m north of Zhangjiapu, east of Xindian village (listed by Andersson as Xindian E) and in another 20 graves at Sishiding. The Sishiding graves held single primary extended supine burials with 1–3 ceramic vessels and a few bronze and bone objects; there were remains of ochre in some of the graves (Skeletons 10 and 13). Particularly revealing were small finds from Xindian A and Sishiding that included two small bronze fragments, an early metal discovery in the region. Andersson believed that most, if not all, of the Xindian-style vessels that he had purchased in Lanzhou had come from the looted graves at this site, and thus he evaluated the purchased vessels together with the items that he and his team excavated from 25 graves at Xindian A (Andersson, 1943). The graves he excavated were earth-pit graves containing single extended supine burials accompanied by a small number of ceramics, bone and bronze tools and decorative objects, as well as in some cases stone and turquoise beads (Xindian E, Sishiding, and Skeleton 6 at Xindian A). The ceramics excavated from these graves were double-handled high-necked jars and closed bowls with or without handles, most of them painted in black or black-and-red patterns on white slip over thick reddish-brown coarse vessel bodies. At Xindian B, the settlement sector located on a flat hilltop overlooking the river, Andersson excavated a 5 × 2 m unit near the southern end of the hill, revealing refuse deposits of 100 × 55 cm. Sterile soil was reached at a depth of 1.33 m. Andersson’s excavations at Xindian B identified layers with Yangshao material superimposed by small amounts of Xindian-type material (Andersson, 1943, pp.173–175). He distinguished three layers containing stone and bone artefacts, as well as painted and unpainted pottery, most of it of Yangshao type with only very few Xindian-type fragments in the uppermost layer and on the surface (Andersson, 1943, pp.173–175; Sommarström, 1956, p. 61). From this excavation it appears that Xindian B was mostly not a Xindian settlement. Indeed, the collections of material retrieved from Xindian B held at the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm consist mainly—though not exclusively—of Majiayao-style painted fine ware and some undecorated fine and coarse ware, while the ceramics from the graves at Xindian A and E are exclusively Xindian-style ceramics. In 1981, the Xindian site was designated a protected site at the provincial level; this was extended to the national level in 2010. The sign declaring it a protected site was placed on the northern side, that is, Xindian A, and since the southern part is referred to as Luotuoya 骆驼崖rather than Xindian B, that area has not received corresponding protection. Instead, control over this land was obtained by a company which fenced it in, whereas Xindian A remains agricultural fields that can be accessed and has consequently (and ironically) seen much looting over recent decades. According to the documents on the protected area of the site, Xindian A is a cemetery extending over 350 m from east to west and 813 m from north to south, covering an area of 284,440 m2 (i.e., 28.4+ ha). The southern portion (Xindian B) is listed as being 13,020 m2 (186 m east to west, 70 m north to south). In May 2017, we conducted a full-coverage surface survey at Xindian A and B. The area around the site was first split into four survey areas (I–IV). After extensive field walking in all four zones with individuals in teams of 3–4 walking along most field rows to identify any evidence of surface ceramics, collection areas were created in Zones I and III, roughly corresponding with Xindian A and B. In these collection areas, field walkers were at much closer intervals, with approximately 2–4 m between surveyors. A total of 366 collection areas covering an area of approximately 17 ha were investigated (Fig. 3) following the method previously applied at Qijiaping (described in more detail in Womack et al., 2017). In the collection areas in Zone I (Xindian A), the majority of collection units did not furnish any finds even in locations with limited ground cover and good visibility, leading to the collection of only 67 ceramic sherds and 1 ceramic spindle whorl from 26 out of 334 collection units, with typically only 1–3 items per unit. Xindian B collections included 240 sherds from 32 collection units, in addition to a couple of other artifacts. Only two stone objects were found during surface survey, a stone grinding rod and a fragment of a stone bracelet. One area of Xindian B contains ash pits and cultural layers of approximately 0.3 m thickness, visible about 0.5–2 m below the surface in a terrace cut along the side of a modern road. Map of the Xindian site with survey areas and collection units. Note Zone I overlaps with Anderssons’s Xindian A, and Zone III mostly with Xindian B (although the northernmost collection areas in Zone III are associated with Xindian A) (Color figure online) Full size image The description of the material obtained during our survey and excavation work at Xindian and Huizuiwa provided below is the first systematic report that suggests both relative and absolute abundance of specific wares. The assignation of Majiayao, Qijia, Xindian, and Han was mostly based on decoration type. This initial assessment was then re-evaluated based on a combination of decoration and other surface treatments, ceramic color, paste, and where applicable vessel part/form (see Supplemental Files, available online), however, it was not always possible to be certain, and 77 of the sherds were thus labeled as ‘unclear’ in date and style (see Supplemental Files, Appendix I). This was mostly because many of the fragments collected during the surface survey were too small for reliable typological identification, because the area has been used for agriculture for centuries if not longer, and the constant churning of the soil has left ceramics in a highly fragmented state. Where identification was possible the majority of ceramic sherds collected from Xindian A were of Xindian or Han period (Table 2). In Xindian B, where 240 ceramic sherds, one stone grinding rod and a fragment of a stone bracelet were found, Majiayao ceramics make up the highest percentage of finds, followed closely by Xindian material and, surprisingly, a number of Qijia-type sherds. Full size table Given the highly fragmented nature of the material, no vessel forms could be identified. The fragment forms suggest, though, that there were some flat-bottomed and handled vessels (7 handle fragments and 14 flat base fragments were found). In terms of paste types, fine ware, fine sandy ware, medium sandy ware and ware with coarse inclusions could be identified. There are significant differences between Xindian A and B in terms of relative abundance of these different ware types. For example, Xindian A has a lower proportion of coarse ware than Xindian B, however, most of the fine ware at Xindian A clearly dates to the Han or later periods. If these pieces are disregarded, the percentage of coarse wares is still low, but considering the small number of overall finds, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions (Table 3). The collection results from Xindian B provide considerably more robust numbers, and here the percentages of fine, medium fine, and coarse ware are more similar. It is notable that the fine wares are predominantly painted Majiayao wares, while coarse wares are often Xindian and more rarely Majiayao or Qijia-type wares (Table 2). Full size table In terms of decoration, not counting Han period or later finds, over 40% of the Xindian A finds and over 25% of the Xindian B finds were undecorated. Common types of surface alteration at both sites include paint (mostly black, more rarely brown or red), cordmarks, and slip. Less common are appliqué, various types of impressions, or clearly discernible polishing. Slip appears mostly on Xindian wares and often in combination with paint, sometimes also with cord marks on the lower part of the vessel, as can be seen on complete vessels retrieved from burial excavations (e.g. Andersson, 1943). The appliqué bands co-occur with cordmarks or other types of impressions on items of all three periods (Majiayao, Qijia, and Xindian), but cordmarks as such seem to be especially common among the identifiable Majiayao wares of Xindian B (Table 4), although this may reflect some identification bias. Many of the identified decorations are seen as typical of Xindian, especially the Jijiachuan-style material (see Andersson, 1943; Xie, 1985; Ren, 2019; and Shui, 2001 for discussions of typical Xindian ceramic forms and decorations). Some of the painted wares have a finer vessel body, though, with fine sand inclusions and carrying the broad black-painted decorations that are the hallmark of Xindian pottery despite a lack of slip (for details see Supplemental Files, Appendix I). Full size table The results of our systematic survey support Andersson’s initial identification of Xindian A as a burial area and Xindian B as a residential area, as the vast majority of ceramic finds were indeed at Xindian B. Additionally, this area also displayed a higher percentage of coarse ware than was found at area A (only 10% in A but 25% in B). At Zhangjiazui, one of the few excavated and published Xindian culture residential sites, the vast majority of the excavated ceramics were, in fact, coarseware (Zhongguo, 1980a, p. 196), while at Xiaohandi cemetery, over 90% of cemetery finds were painted fineware pottery (Qinghaisheng, 1995, pp. 5–6). That said, the initial inspections of the Xindian site’s ceramics found that both painted and unpainted vessels were made of coarse ware, thus showing that typological assessments based on surface treatment alone are not sufficient to understand variation in ceramic wares. Furthermore, sherds collected in surface surveys and even in settlement excavations tend to be rather fragmented, often making it difficult to reconstitute or suggest vessel forms. It can therefore be helpful to also take into account technological details such as paste types when categorizing and comparing ceramic sherds. By calculating the density of sherds per m2 found in each survey collection unit, a map showing ceramic densities across the site was created in ArcGIS. The density map creates a continuous spatial unit for the overall spread of ceramic finds. Based on those areas where a higher density of sherds was found, a model can be generated highlighting the relationship between the different parts of the site as well as expectations for its wider spread (Fig. 4). A clear separation can be seen between the hypothesized cemetery area at Xindian A and the residential zone at Xindian B, expanding to the east and west of Xindian B. Shading reflects sherd density across the Xindian site according to the scale on the left side. Numbers represent sherds per m2, with white areas reflecting the densest material (Color figure online) Full size image Accordingly, we surmise that Xindian B was probably a small, dense area of settlement on a bluff overlooking the Tao river and a small drainage. There is evidence of both Majiayao and Xindian occupation in this location, and perhaps Qijia period activity as well, although the latter is more equivocal. During the Xindian period, a dedicated cemetery area (Xindian A) was created to the north across the drainage, physically separated from the small settlement area. Due to the very fragmentary nature of the preserved part of the site (and its being covered by modern buildings), we turned our attention to Huizuiwa, another contemporary site in the Tao River valley, to collect data that can speak to economic activities beyond ceramic technology. The first visit to Huizui (now Huizuiwa) in Daosha County by Andersson furnished large amounts of Xindian-type pottery as well as coarse stone tools, animal bones, bone tools, and a small number of bronze objects (Andersson, 1943), making it a good target for work to enhance understanding of the nature of Xindian sites in the Tao River valley. The site is situated about 70–80 m above the Tao river valley on a small terrace bluff top overlooking the valley, a position quite similar to that of Xindian B. Han period and modern graves were found as well, but the disturbance of earlier cultural layers seems to have been minimal—both during Andersson’s time and in the present day. Andersson conducted a small excavation in the center of the plateau and collected ceramic material that is described as coarse, porous, thick-bodied, coil-built pottery (Andersson, 1943, p. 172). Vessel forms included jars, many with two short band handles; small single-handled round-bottom cups; closed bowls; urns; and li tripods. Many of the jars and some of the bowls were decorated with black and sometimes red paint—mostly geometric patterns including meandering wavy lines, zigzags, net patterns, and S shapes—often applied on a lighter-colored slip. The body of the painted ware is red to red-brown while the grey ware is unpainted and decorated only with line incisions or impressions. The limited stone tool assemblage (8 items) reported by Andersson comprises axes, chisels, adzes, and various large stones of unclear function. He also reports a wide variety of bone tools such as awls, spoons, needles, combs, various other implements, altogether 23 items, and three hard-stone beads, as well as four bronze items including a curve-backed knife, a button, two nails, and one fragment of unclear original shape. A cowrie shell, and a clay figurine were also found but not further described. Additionally, he mentions large amounts of animal bones that likewise were not further analyzed or differentiated in his publications. Although visited again by Pei Wenzhong in 1947 and listed in the survey of archaeological sites in Gansu compiled during the periodic surveys of cultural relics (most recently the Third National Survey completed in 2012), no previous systematic survey had been conducted at the site. We visited the site in 2012 to assess it for future research. During our first visit, in addition to opportunistically collecting 44 diagnostic sherds and stone tools from across the site, some of which may have come from looted tombs, we also collected a sample 1 × 1 m area within which we recovered six Xindian culture sherds, reflecting a high density of sherds across the bluff top. The bluff top is also very flat and uncultivated, making the location conducive to additional survey and geophysical analysis. During subsequent work at the site we collected surface materials using two separate collection strategies: ‘dog-leash collection units’ and ‘field-area collection units’ (Fig. 5). The dog-leash collection units were located at systematically aligned grid points 20 m apart from each other across the area with dense ceramic remains. We collected a 10 m2 circle at each location determined by stretching a cord (‘dog-leash’) from a central point. In total, across the dense area of the site we collected 318 artifacts at 33 dog-leash locations, typically recovering between 10 and 25 objects per collection. Beyond the bluff top, where surface sherds were rare, we used ‘field-area collections’ as previously described for our work at Qijiaping (Womack et al., 2017), and the aforementioned survey at Xindian. Both of these techniques (dog-leash and field-area collections) allow for approximate measures of sherd density but are appropriate for situations with different densities. Areas with very dense surface material must be sampled using a technique like dog-leash collection for the data to be manageable, whereas areas with very sparse material must incorporate finds across a larger area in order to provide sufficient data for evaluation (Banning, 2002; Burger et al., 2004; Caraher et al., 2006; Plog et al., 1978; Ur et al., 2011). There were very few artifacts anywhere in the Huizuiwa area beyond the bluff top. Only five artifacts total were collected from the 17 collection areas in the lower terrace. Because a couple of these were found on the terrace edge to the north across an erosion gulley, we believe part of the site may have been eroded away since the time of its occupation. Collection units and sherd density per m2 overlaid with location of dog-leash collection units (Color figure online) Full size image As at Xindian, we calculated the density of sherds found in each survey collection unit at Huizuiwa and created a heuristic density map showing ceramic densities per m2 across the site. A clear separation can again be observed between the bluff top and the rest of the surveyed area. The results suggest an expectation of ceramic distribution in the northern direction, leading from the bluff to the test survey area (Fig. 6). Shading reflects sherd density per m2 across the HZW site according to the color ramp on the left site. Numbers represent sherds per unit, with white areas representing the densest locations (Color figure online) Full size image Geomorphological assessment of the region by Wang Hui of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Institute of Archaeology in 2017 confirmed that a considerable portion of the original terrace had been removed during agricultural activity during recent decades. The terrace on the north side of the gully slopes slightly toward the river, but the terrain is extremely flat. On the northern edge of this platform, a fine sand layer was observed at 1.5 m under the current level as well as a red muddy strip with a thin layer of blue-gray silt. These finds indicate that water flows at the end of the accumulation of the platform. The soil is relatively dense, and the color is reddish, characteristics that suggest it may be a Holocene paleosol layer with aeolian loess as the parent material. This layer can also be clearly distinguished from the upper part of the section on the south side of the valley, and its color and texture are quite different from those of the lower part of the plateau. Through the investigation of the surrounding areas of the two gullies to the north and south sides of the site, the finds lead to a conclusion that a single geomorphological unit can be drawn from the terrain. However, the mesa section is composed of silt and clay with a gravel layer or a sand lens. Based on its color and less dense texture, the formation era is much later than the gravel layer in the high platform. Put plainly, the terrain on both sides of the gulley leading down from the site on its north side is practically identical. Even in places where preservation is worse, such as the area to the south of the site, the sedimentary sequence is consistent. This preservation situation is the result of erosion and more recent activity such as animal burrowing. In order to investigate the potential presence of subsurface remains at the site, a small geophysical survey covering 3200 m2 across the surface of the bluff was undertaken over a single day in May of 2014. Such surveys have been successful in China and elsewhere for identifying a wide variety of anomalies related to archaeological materials, helping guide investigations, and aid in non-invasive site identification and interpretation (Gaffney & Gater, 2006; Horsley, 2015; Kvamme, 2006). The survey was undertaken using a Geoscan FM256 Fluxgate Gradiometer with a stated sensitivity of 0.1nT, although in practice the sensitivity of the instrument used is closer to 1nT. Data grids of 20 × 20 m were collected in a zigzag manner with a sample interval of 0.125 m and traverses every 0.5 m. The instrument was reset between each grid to account for drift. Data were downloaded and processed using Geoplot 3.0; processing included clipping, destaggering, and interpolation in order to remove interference from ferrous debris and increase the visibility of potential anomalies. Despite some NE to SW striping caused by the user during data collection, many subsurface anomalies are visible in the data. Anomalies potentially caused by archaeological features are clustered in the northern and eastern portions of the site and include at least eight circular anomalies with a range of 2–4 m in diameter and + / − 8–15nT in intensity (Fig. 7). Map of magnetometer survey area with yellow circles highlighting large anomalies. (A) anomaly chosen for excavation (Color figure online) Full size image Based on comparison with similar anomalies recorded and excavated at Qijiaping (Womack et al., 2017) and Dayatou (Womack et al., 2019b), it appears that these were likely caused by trash pits. Hand auger testing of five anomalies revealed a mixture of soil changes, burnt earth, ash, bone, and sherds ranging from 40 cm to 2 m below the surface. We believe that these features relate to the southern edge of an area of Xindian culture activity that may include residential and production remains, and that the majority of this part of the site has eroded away in the intervening millennia. To further explore these contexts, we conducted a small-scale trial excavation at the site in 2017. A 2 × 2 m roughly circular anomaly that was identified during the geophysical survey as a potential trash pit was selected for targeted excavation. This anomaly was augered after identification in 2014, revealing burnt soil, ash, burnt material, bone, and sherds from 35 to 110 cm below the surface. The expectation was that these anomalies reflected deposits containing materials similar to those discovered in contexts at Qijiaping (Womack et al., 2017). We placed one 2 × 2 m unit (17LH-T1) in a position to cut this anomaly. The excavations proceeded using a locus method (adapted from Flinders Petrie, 1904; Joukowsky, 1986), in which all natural differences between sediments are excavated separately as different loci, but loci can also be used to arbitrarily separate sediments in different parts of a level, or a feature, or at different arbitrarily defined depths. The locus method allows for optimal control of both horizontal and vertical contexts for all finds, while maintaining the ability to recombine loci into natural stratigraphic components and features—the spatial components commonly used in Chinese archaeology for describing contextual relationships. All sediment was passed through a 5 mm screen and all small finds saved. We aimed to save roughly 10 l of sediment from every locus for flotation, totaling roughly 335.5 l. The anomaly excavated at Huizuiwa revealed a succession of strata and features which appeared to be consistent with trash pits that had undergone multiple successive uses over time (Fig. 8). Separate episodes of deposition reflecting associated materials were quite difficult to differentiate upon first encounter. Consequently, we separated the material into 32 distinct loci during excavation (L1–L32), allowing for constant assessment of the stratigraphy without losing the association of the various finds recovered during excavation. These loci are each associated with one of the natural contexts discovered in the excavation, which include a succession of five stratigraphic levels and five interdigitated pits. The stratigraphic relationships among these contexts are described in the Harris Matrix in for Fig. 9 and Table 5. The stratigraphy of the Huizuiwa site, showing locales from which samples were derived Full size image Harris Matrix for the excavation of T1 at Huizuiwa Full size image Full size table As shown in the Harris Matrix and profile drawings, Pits H1, H2, Stratum 2, and Pits H3 and H4 comprise a series of superimposed deposits in more or less the same location. Layered between Pits H3 and H4 is Stratum 3, which spreads toward the north and east beyond the area of most of these deposits. Pit H5, in contrast, was found below Stratum 4, and is seemingly more separate from the slightly later series of deposits. Stratum 5 is a natural, sterile deposit into which the pits and other deposits cut. The archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological analyses described below provided samples that allow us to radiocarbon date these deposits—permitting both an estimation of the absolute chronology of the deposits excavated in 17LH-T1 and also an assessment of whether this series of strata and pit deposits were deposited relatively rapidly or over an extended period of time. The dates, shown in Fig. 10 and Table 6 in stratigraphic sequence, include four animal bones and eight dates on short-lived archaeobotanical remains. With the exception of two dates from animal bones which are anomalously early (samples BA181239 and BA181237), most of the dates are clearly within the tenth century calibrated BC, around 2900 BP, and the dates seem to be in generally stratigraphic order, with the earlier dates lower in the stratigraphic sequence. Xindian Construction are exported all over the world and different industries with quality first. Our belief is to provide our customers with more and better high value-added products. Let's create a better future together. Radiocarbon dates for 17LH-T2 (see Table 6 for details of these samples, listed in the same order) Full size image Full size table To further tighten the chronology of these deposits, we subjected the stratified dates to Bayesian analysis (Bronk, 2009; Buck et al., 1991; Otárola-Castillo & Torquato, 2018). Figure 11a, b shows the results of the Bayesian evaluation of these dates. In Fig. 11a we have retained the two seemingly anomalous bone dates in their appropriate stratigraphic position, a process the considerably constrains both the 1σ and 2σ likelihood of the dates for these two samples (as shown by the dark gray curves in Fig. 11). In Fig. 11b we remove these two samples. The ‘phases’ in the figures represent the stratigraphic contexts for which we have dates (in sequence from earliest to latest: Level 4, Pit H4, Level 3, Pits H3, H2 and H1). Based on this assessment, the entire sequence of deposits within the excavation trench fits within the tenth century BC (i.e., between 2950 and 2850 BP). The earliest pit deposits are decidedly in the first half of the century, while the sequence of superimposed pit-like deposits comprising H3, H2, and H1 clearly dates to the middle to late part of the century. Accordingly, the sequence suggests that the deposits are from roughly the same few decades, perhaps reflecting a series of similar, repeated depositional activities. A Bayesian analysis of dates reported in Table 6 including two outlier dates. B Bayesian analysis with anomalous dates removed. Phases represent the different stratigraphic contexts from which the samples were recovered (Color figure online) Full size image A large number of ceramic sherds (1200) were recovered from the five pits (H1–H5) and three layers (Layers 2–4). They were analyzed and classified in the same manner as the Xindian finds (see above). The finds are largely identifiable as Xindian-type wares, with only 7 potential Qijia-type sherds (from H1, Layers 2 and 3, and the surface), 1 sherd resembling Siwa ceramics, and 5 later-period sherds from the surface survey. The ceramics are mostly thick-bodied, often coarse, low-fired, and were probably coil-built. This applies to the Xindian-type wares from all contexts. Throughout all layers, over 70% of them have undergone firing in an oxidizing atmosphere, resulting in often mottled combination in the light brown/yellow/orange/red spectrum (Table 7). A slightly higher percentage in reduction-fired grey wares can be observed in the earliest deposit, (i.e., Layer 4), suggesting a possible slight change in firing technology or color preferences. Only very few sherds are black or dark brown in color, but these mostly seem to be the outcome of secondary firing through cooking or other processes rather than intentional production of dark-colored wares (see Appendix II for details). Full size table In terms of ware quality, fine wares occur in relatively low percentages throughout all layers with higher numbers in the earlier layers and features (up to 25%) and lower in the later layers and features (as low as 12.5%). The remaining material has high percentages of sand-sized and larger inclusions, but lower percentages of material with coarse sand inclusions than would be expected (Table 8). The wares may be coarser than the macroscopic differentiation between fine medium and coarse sand would suggest, simply because the assessment of actual coarseness (i.e., amount and size of above silt-sized inclusions) would require microscopic analysis. Full size table The majority of ceramics seem to have received some form of treatment and often a combination of different forms of decoration (Table 8). Most common are slip, black paint, and fine cord marks, which can appear combined or independently. Less frequent are brown, red, or white pigments, coarse or medium cordmarks, appliqué bands, incisions, line marks, or various impressed patterns. Polish has been reported in a few cases but is notoriously difficult to identify macroscopically. Most common decoration motifs are broad horizontal painted black bands applied to the upper part of the vessel with thin wavy or zigzag bands in between and vertical wavy or zigzag bands on the two opposite sides of the lower part of the vessel body. These decorations were mostly applied to flat-bottomed double-handled jars. Other identifiable vessel forms include flat-bottomed jars of sometimes very large and sometimes small dimensions (judged by the degree of curvature of the vessel bodies) that may carry one or two band handles with or without appliqué or painted decoration on the handles or vessel body. Another identifiable vessel type are tripods (16 examples identified) of grey or red color covered in fine or coarser cordmarks and sometimes carrying appliqué bands but never slip or paint (see Supplemental Files, Appendix II for details). The ceramic repertoire thus closely resembles that of Yijiachuan and related sites as well as the Xindian-type wares found at the Xindian type site with no clear differences between the various layers and features excavated at Huizuiwa itself (Fig. 12). Decorated ceramics from pit H4 (Color figure online) Full size image Animal bones recovered during excavation were analyzed at the Gansu Provincial Institute of Archaeology using standard zooarchaeological reference guides. Some specimens were also taken to the Zooarchaeology Laboratory at the Center for Scientific Archaeology, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Science in Beijing for further identification using comparative collections there. Bones found during flotation in the heavy fraction have not yet been analyzed. For a full discussion of zooarchaeological methods and the raw zooarchaeological data, see Brunson et al. (2020). The numbers of identified specimens (NISP) and minimum number of individuals (MNI) for each taxon are listed in Table 9 (also see Supplemental files, Huizuiwa_zooarchaeology_sup). Domestic mammals represent the most commonly identified taxa. Sheep (Ovis aries) and goats (Capra hircus) are the most common domesticates. Caprine bones lacking clear morphological markers such as those described in Zeder and Lapham (2010) and Zeder and Pilaar (2010) were only identified as ‘Ovis/Capra,’ or to the broader taxonomic category of ‘medium bovid.’ While it is likely that most specimens identified as ‘medium bovids’ are domestic sheep and goats, it is important to note that Northwestern China is also home to several native bovids including gazelle, serow, argali, goral, Siberian ibex, Tibetan antelope, and blue sheep/bharal. There are not standard ways to distinguish between the bones of these taxa (although see Wang, 2017), and so fragmentary cases were identified conservatively. Together, specimens identified as Ovis, Capra, Ovis/Capra, and medium bovid make up about 85% of the assemblage. Full size table Other domesticates include dogs (Canis familiaris), cattle (Bos taurus), and pigs (Sus scrofa). It is likely that all of the specimens identified as canids are domestic dogs, although it is possible that wild canids such as wolves and dhole were present in the region as well. Specimens identified as ‘large bovines’ are most likely domestic cattle. Distinguishing between the bones of domestic and wild Chinese bovines is challenging, and there is still a possibility that some of these specimens belong to wild cattle or water buffalo. The small number of pig bones in the assemblage makes it difficult to comment on their domestication status. They are most likely domestic pigs rather than wild boar because at least two of the four pig bones come from sub-adults (identified pig bones include a lower permanent incisor, a fragment of a proximal metapodial II or V, a fragment of a metapodial II or V with an unfused distal epiphysis, and an unfused proximal epiphysis of a left tibia). While people occasionally raised dogs, cattle, and pigs, it is clear that animal use at Huizuiwa was focused on caprine pastoralism. Very few wild animal bones were identified at Huizuiwa. Non-mammals include two bird bones and a few small gastropod shells that are commonly found in loess deposits in the region and were probably not consumed by people. Rodents in the assemblage are likely intrusive. The TRAP team observed many rodent burrows during our excavations, and most of the rodent bones probably come from animals that died in their burrows. A limited number of deer bones were identified. These include a third phalanx from a medium sized cervid and three fragments of antler, two of which were worked into antler objects. The most common medium sized cervid in the area is sika deer (Cervus nippon). It is likely that the deer phalanx belongs to this species. The small number of deer remains and the parts of the body they represent suggest that deer were not frequently hunted at Huizuiwa, if at all. The deer remains may have come from antlers and skins (phalanges are often retained in skins) traded in to the site. The paucity of cervid remains is noteworthy given that deer imagery is understood to be a common feature of Xindian ceramic decorations at other sites such as Xiaohandi (Qinghaisheng 1995). A detailed discussion of taphonomy is beyond the scope of this article, but the faunal assemblage does appear to be heavily fragmented, possibly indicating that people processed bones for marrow and grease. The sample size of caprine bones and teeth that can be used to assign ages at death is too small to construct mortality curves; however, our preliminary observations indicate that sheep and goats may have been slaughtered in different ways. Several of the goats died before six months of age. None of the sheep died before one year of age. We identified 28 worked bone objects at Huizuiwa, the most notable of which is a divinatory oracle bone (FCN4750) made from a right caprine scapula. Figure 13 shows the oracle bone during excavation at the bottom of pit H2 where it was found along with several large stones. Almost all of the animal bones in the Huizuiwa faunal assemblage were small, broken fragments. This scapula was one of the few complete skeletal elements uncovered, suggesting that it was intentionally placed intact at the bottom of H2 rather than deposited in the pit along with other refuse from butchery and bone working activities. The scapula has a large discoloration in the center of the blade caused by heating. This burn mark is not as clear as the burn marks on most oracle bones, and there is not a clear crack. It may represent a failed attempt to burn the bone for divination. Oracle bone (FCN4750) in situ at the bottom of H2 (Color figure online) Full size image Archaeobotanical samples were floated using standard bucket flotation (d’Alpoim Guedes & Spengler 2014) at the Gansu Provincial Institute of Archaeology and the light fraction was caught on a 0.25 mm nylon mesh. Once in the laboratory, samples were sieved into 2 mm, 1 mm, 0.5 mm, and 0.25 mm fractions that were examined separately under Olympus light microscopes. Wood charcoal was pulled from the 2 mm fraction and remaining fractions were scanned for seeds. Seed fragments were collected from the 2 mm and 1 mm fractions, though seed fragments were collected from the 0.5 mm fraction if they were particularly recognizable. The 0.25 mm fraction was scanned to reveal if rice spikelet bases might be present; however, none were recovered. Identifications were made using the reference collections of Shandong University, the Paleoethnobotany Laboratory at the University of California, San Diego as well as a local flora (Wu et al., 2006) and prior archaeobotanical publications from the region (Fan, 2016; Flad et al., 2010; Jiang et al., 2017; Yang 2015; Zhang, 2013; Zhang et al., 2017; Zhao, 2003, 2010) and for different domesticated cereals (Fuller, 2006; Jacomet, 2006). The highest density of seeds per liter was derived from pits H2, H3 and H4. H5 and H1 had lower counts of archaeobotanical remains, as did all the stratigraphic layers. Layer 4 had a higher density of remains than Layers 2 and 5 (Table 10 and Fig. 14; Also see Supplemental Files, Huizuiwa_bot_sup). Full size table Seed density per stratigraphic unit (Color figure online) Full size image Several key domestic taxa were recovered from the samples we analyzed (Fig. 15). These include foxtail millet (Setaria italica), broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum), barley (Hordeum vulgare) and wheat (Triticum sp.). Only one rachis fragment was recovered from the site; it belonged to a naked type of wheat (Triticum aestivum var. nudum). One specimen of what might be oat (Avena sp.) or a related species of wild grass was also recovered. Specimens that were likely either wheat or barley but were too poorly preserved to be identified were termed Cerealia to indicate that they were either wheat or barley but could not be confidently distinguished. Key domesticates unearthed from the Huizuiwa site: a wheat, Triticum sp. (dorsal side); b wheat Triticum sp. (ventral side); c barley Hordeum vulgare (dorsal side); d barley Hordeum vulgare (ventral side); e broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum); f foxtail millet (Setaria italica) Full size image In research in China, archaeobotanical remains are generally presented exclusively as counts. However, relying on counts to reveal potential contributions to the diet can be misleading as caryopsis size differs substantially between crops such as millets and larger grains like wheat and barley. If we consider only counts (Fig. 16a), wheat and barley appear to be present in smaller quantities than millets: something that might lead one to the conclusion that they constituted only a minor component of the diet. If one considers the contribution of these elements to the diet in terms of weight (Fig. 16b), the picture changes somewhat: wheat and barley appear to constitute roughly 40% of the total crop weights at the site. Broomcorn and foxtail millet still dominate the assemblage in layers or features with overall low seed density, and while it is possible that this is due to their smaller size making them more likely to migrate throughout the stratigraphy of the site, the short date range between the different pits makes this seem less plausible. Crop proportions at Huizuiwa: A by count and B by weight (Color figure online) Full size image Several weedy taxa were also recovered from the site. These include Chenopodium sp., Digitaria sp., Atriplex sp., Salsola sp., Kochia sp., Corispermum sp., Lespedeza sp., Rumex sp., Polygonum sp., Sambucus sp. and Potentilla sp., an unidentified wild pooid grass, a wild Fabaceae and some unidentified specimens of Polygonaceae and Cyperaceae (Figs. 17 and 18). Chenopodium sp. and Salsola sp. are the most numerous weeds identified in the assemblage. Some taxa require further work on identification, particularly the wild Fabaceae unearthed at the site. There are over 167 genera and 1600 species of Fabaceae present in the region, making their ultimate identification a challenging task that requires further work. Weedy taxa recovered in the ashpit, particularly those such as members of the Cyperaceae family, which grow wild and occupy river banks, as well as small-seeded Fabaceae, may have found their way into the archaeobotanical assemblage following animal consumption and subsequent burning of animal dung (Miller & Smart, 1984). It is possible that animals like sheep and goats foraged their diet alongside rivers and along hilltops where wild Fabaceae grow. Indeed, conglomerates of what appeared to be either goat or sheep dung were also found in our assemblages; however, the high weights and counts of wood charcoal suggest that the inhabitants of the site relied primarily on wood for fuel. Proportions of key taxa of weeds identified at Huizuiwa (Color figure online) Full size image Key weed taxa identified at Huizuiwa: a Atriplex sp.; b Chenopodium sp. c Chenopodium cf. hybridium; d Lespedeza sp.; e Corispermum sp.; f cf. Polygonum; g Scripus/Carex type, h Digitaria sp.; i Fabaceae type 1 (cf. Medicago); j Fabaceae type 2, k Fabaceae type 3; l pooid grass type 1; m pooid grass type 2 Full size image In addition, we recovered a total of 13 unidentified specimens, all of which occurred in very low numbers with the exception of unidentified specimen a and b.Xindian
Previous Work at the Xindian Type Site
Survey of Site and Surrounding Area
Discussion: Preliminary Understanding of the Xindian Site
Huizuiwa
Previous Work at Huizuiwa
Archaeological and Geological Survey of Site and Surrounding Area
Excavation Methods and Results
Ceramics
Fauna
Flora
I have worked at Kang Chiao Kindergarten (Qingshan) and it is an appalling, disorganized mess and I wouldn’t recommend that anyone works there.
I agree that it is a business first and that education comes bottom of their list of priorities. They just want to make as much money as possible and nothing else really matters, with the exception of telling the parents everything they want to hear, so that they keep paying the extraordinarily high tuition fees (which they will because the kindergarten ‘looks’ good, however the education is far from good).
If you do work there don’t expect any guidance about what they want or expect. They constantly change the goal posts. They have no curriculum, but they will give you a very vague ‘syllabus’. They have no idea about English language acquisition for children and as such have no essential sentence patterns or words for the children to learn at each level of the kindergarten. They literally make up the curriculum on-the-go, which means it’s very disorganized and things cannot be integrated with their ‘theme’ learning.
Their ‘theme’ learning is the only thing they seem to care about, yet instead of thinking about what children really need to know and building a solid curriculum that builds the children’s skills every year, they constantly change their curriculum, as a result it’s a big made-up mess. Children that age need to know a limited set of basic life-skills and the theme should be set to reflect their needs and build on those year-by-year (not learning about random rubbish). Additionally as a result of this disorganized mess, the children who go through the whole Kang Chiao kindergarten system have pretty poor English skills compared with other educational institutions.
They are incredibly cheap when it comes to resources. They want and expect you to make a lot of things for them, they won’t provide flashcards for their poorly, made-up, on-the-fly curriculum. You cannot print anything in color for classroom resources. Paper and art supplies are very limited and you’ll be lucky if you can get them. Basically they don’t want to spend money on essential resources and then make that your problem, not theirs. They have an old style CRT TV in the classroom as a ‘resource’, but its mainly for show and they don’t want you to use it for more than 5 minutes a day (probably because of the power it uses).
You will be expected to give up your free time, often on weekends, which they won’t pay you for. In the contract you have to ‘give’ the school 15 hours of your time for free, but if they want to hold an event on a weekend and you’ve already given them your free time, they’ll expect you to do it, or face financial penalties (and they do hold quite a few events at weekends).
The school itself is hard to get to, so unless you have a scooter you’ll have a job getting there and it will be expensive taxi rides every day (at least $130NT each way). If you have a car or scooter the school will charge you for parking your car or scooter at your own workplace, the fee for a car is $1000NT and I think a scooter is $500NT per month. Also you have to be there before 8AM ‘every’ day to get your measly attendance bonus.
The paperwork you’ll be required to do is a lot in comparison to other kindergartens. Most of this paperwork is completely pointless and superficial (e.g. just to look good). The parents receive daily communication from the Chinese teachers via telephone and by the children’s communication books. They also make the Chinese teachers write a blog on the internet about what we’ve been doing in the class. Then on top of ‘all’ that communication the English teacher is expected to write individual and general comments every week and make a bi-weekly report in the form of a stylized 2 page newsletter. All this communication is a huge waste of both of the teacher’s time, which could be better spent doing things for the children’s learning.
They will expect you to clean their school for them. They have two cleaning ladies whose job it is to clean a 5 story building, empty all the bins, clean up ‘all’ the breakfast, lunch and snack bowls and waste and escort children on buses. They have inadequate cleaning tools (mops and cheap brushes) for a building that size and they don’t have time to clean the classrooms and bathrooms, hence the teachers have to do it. The school also has a lot of highly infectious diseases being passed to the children because (I assume) of the poor hygiene and cleanliness standards. If anything, a kindergarten should be cleaner because you have young children putting their hands on the floor and then in their mouths all day.
The class sizes have increased and increased over the years and now have a limit of 24 students per class (to make more money), not only is this harder to manage, but the children do not get the one-on-one time they need at that age, which is also what the parents expect because they pay so much money. Kang Chiao kindergarten is now more of a factory kindergarten than a real educational institute that cares about students needs.
If you want to take holiday days, forget it. You have to take all your holiday days outside of term time and if you do manage to get a day off, they will put it down as a personal day, hence you will lose money.
Overall, I think there are better options out there that are more convenient, less hassle and more money. Don’t get sucked in by the way the place looks. It’s actually not a great place to work. There is more that I could say about the place, but I think you get the idea.
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